| dc.contributor.author | Kim, Ronald I. | |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2023-06-07T12:32:59Z | |
| dc.date.available | 2023-06-07T12:32:59Z | |
| dc.date.issued | 2023 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/180525 | |
| dc.language.iso | en | cs |
| dc.publisher | Univerzita Karlova, Filozofická fakulta | cs |
| dc.subject | Iranian | cs |
| dc.subject | Ossetic | cs |
| dc.subject | copula | cs |
| dc.subject | suppletion | cs |
| dc.subject | grammaticalization | cs |
| dc.title | The prehistory of Ossetic verbal inflection (II): The copula | cs |
| dc.type | Vědecký článek | cs |
| dcterms.accessRights | openAccess | |
| dcterms.license | http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/ | |
| uk.abstract.en | The forms of the Ossetic copula, which diverge significantly between the two principal dialects Di gor and Iron, have all been derived from Proto-Iranian sources, but many details of their develop ment remain uncertain. In the singular, a pronominal stem, probably *ta-, was grammaticalized as a copula and extended to 1sg d-æn and 2sg d-æ, the remaining portions of which go back to PIr. 1sg *ahmi, 2sg *ahi. Other pronouns were then grammaticalized in 3sg Iron u and Digor æj, whereas Di gor je(s), Iron i(s) reflects PIr. 3sg *asti. In the plural, Digor 1pl an, 2pl atæ continue PIr. subjunctive *ah-a- or present indicative forms remodeled on the stem *ah-; while Iron ystæm, ystut, ysty are in origin present forms of PIr. *staH- ‘stand’. | cs |
| dc.publisher.publicationPlace | Praha | cs |
| uk.internal-type | uk_publication | |
| dc.description.startPage | 19 | cs |
| dc.description.endPage | 28 | cs |
| dcterms.isPartOf.name | Chatreššar | cs |
| dcterms.isPartOf.journalYear | 2021 | |
| dcterms.isPartOf.journalVolume | 2021 | |
| dcterms.isPartOf.journalIssue | 2 | |
| dcterms.isPartOf.issn | 2571-1393 | |
| dc.relation.isPartOfUrl | https://chatressar.ff.cuni.cz | |
