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dc.contributor.authorMarkusse, Jan D.
dc.coverage.spatialBelgiecs
dc.coverage.spatialFranciecs
dc.coverage.spatialTyrolsko jižní (Itálie a Rakousko)cs
dc.coverage.spatialItáliecs
dc.coverage.spatialRakouskocs
dc.coverage.spatialBaskicko (Španělsko)cs
dc.coverage.spatialNěmeckocs
dc.coverage.spatialNUTS IIIcs
dc.date.accessioned2021-11-25T03:11:35Z
dc.date.available2021-11-25T03:11:35Z
dc.date.issued2004
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/159862
dc.description.abstractIn the uniting Europe, numerous local and regional authorities iii border zones have proclaimed so-called Euroregions as territorial frameworks for trans-border co-operation and integration. Development of these trans-border regions is endorsed by the states and promoted by the pan-European organisations Council of Europe and European Union. In particular since the European Union's INTERREG Programs have started in 1990, trans-border regions are proliferating along the internal and external borders of the EU and its future Central European extension. Regarding their institutional structure and the nature of internal co-operation and integration the myriad of trans-border regions is extremely diverse. This may be partly attributed to differences in stage of development, but it is not realistic to assume that they are au developing toward a uniform outcome. From a processual point of view, opportunity, endorsement and promotion of trans-border regions and the related discourses have become an active force in the regional dynamics of border zones, of which direction and outcomes are channelled by structural conditions and the agendas of regional actors. A contemporary trend in the territorial political organisation of Europe is a growing significance of regions.en
dc.description.abstractRegions should be considered as social constructions that can be built up, modified or disappear. Although this implies that regions are not historically or culturally determined, history and culture can provide for potent cognitive and discursive sources for construction of regions, such as regional self-awareness and ideological platforms to supply political legitimacy. From this perspective the question is easily raised whether the boost given to proliferation of trans-border regions, has spread seeds for potential trans-border regions with a strong regional identity and a political significance. In particular those border areas where historical regions and ethnic populations are split by international boundaries seem to have structural conditions to be potential breeding grounds for such a development. A combination of cultural-linguistic bonds of similarity linked with ethno-nationalist ideologies can provide for appealing cognitive and discursive sources. Regions in concerning border-zones often have a recent history of regional assertiveness and corresponding gain of political independence that gives regional actors more freedom to manoeuvre. Against this background, development of trans-border regions in three areas will be dealt with in this contribution. The three cases are: the Belgian-German border zone, which has the German-speaking Community at the Belgian side; the Basque Country in Spain and France and the area of the former Habsburg province of Tyrol that covers the Austrian federal land of Tirol and the autonomous region of Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol in Italy.en
dc.language.isoen
dc.language.isoen
dc.titleTrans-border interregional alliances hi Europe :toward fading away national boundaries of regional identities?en
dc.typePříspěvek v časopisucs
dc.subject.czenasInterreg (program)cs
dc.description.startPage39
dc.description.endPage56
dcterms.isPartOf.nameActa Universitatis Carolinae. Geographicaen
dcterms.isPartOf.journalYear2004
dcterms.isPartOf.journalVolume39
dcterms.isPartOf.journalIssue2
dcterms.isPartOf.issn0300-5402
dc.identifier.lisID000028203
dc.subject.keywordgeografiecs
dc.subject.keywordgeografiecs


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