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Short sticks and Rotting Carrots: Changing Coup-Proofing Structures in Post-Civil War Syria
dc.contributor.advisorKučera, Tomáš
dc.creatorFlorescu, Radu
dc.date.accessioned2020-08-21T12:31:27Z
dc.date.available2020-08-21T12:31:27Z
dc.date.issued2017
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/91235
dc.description.abstractFollowing the loss of Egypt as its primary ally in 1979, Syria went through a drastic build-up of its armed forces. By 1983, the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) had swelled to nearly 500,000 active duty personnel from 50,000 at the onset of the 1967 Israeli conflict, constituting one of the largest military forces in the region (Kurt:2016, pp.116). However, what may have appeared to external observers as a powerful regional military force, it was in fact an institution plagued with rampant paternalism, criminal business networks and various competing praetorian factions. While some would view this as simply another 'unavoidable' characteristic of a third world state, many of these factors were in fact created by the regime in power to insulate itself from potential military intrusion into the existing political status quo. With its weak civil society, low regime legitimacy, and rich history of past military putsches, Syria has always been prone to an elevated, theoretical risk of a coup d'état (Belkin & Schofer:2003, pp.595; Gasserbner & al.:2016, pp.302). It has since been proven that through various controls by the military command, no internal or domestic force would have the means nor the incentive to replace the regime, even during times of great political crisis (Luttwak:1969, pp.16). While this...en_US
dc.languageEnglishcs_CZ
dc.language.isoen_US
dc.publisherUniverzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních vědcs_CZ
dc.titleShort sticks and Rotting Carrots: Changing Coup-Proofing Structures in Post-Civil War Syriaen_US
dc.typediplomová prácecs_CZ
dcterms.created2017
dcterms.dateAccepted2017-09-14
dc.description.departmentDepartment of Security Studiesen_US
dc.description.departmentKatedra bezpečnostních studiícs_CZ
dc.description.facultyFaculty of Social Sciencesen_US
dc.description.facultyFakulta sociálních vědcs_CZ
dc.identifier.repId192997
dc.title.translatedShort sticks and Rotting Carrots: Changing Coup-Proofing Structures in Post-Civil War Syriacs_CZ
dc.contributor.refereeAnceschi, Luca
dc.identifier.aleph002154268
thesis.degree.nameMgr.
thesis.degree.levelnavazující magisterskécs_CZ
thesis.degree.disciplineInternational Security Studiesen_US
thesis.degree.disciplineMezinárodní bezpečnostní studiacs_CZ
thesis.degree.programPolitologiecs_CZ
thesis.degree.programPolitical Scienceen_US
uk.thesis.typediplomová prácecs_CZ
uk.taxonomy.organization-csFakulta sociálních věd::Katedra bezpečnostních studiícs_CZ
uk.taxonomy.organization-enFaculty of Social Sciences::Department of Security Studiesen_US
uk.faculty-name.csFakulta sociálních vědcs_CZ
uk.faculty-name.enFaculty of Social Sciencesen_US
uk.faculty-abbr.csFSVcs_CZ
uk.degree-discipline.csMezinárodní bezpečnostní studiacs_CZ
uk.degree-discipline.enInternational Security Studiesen_US
uk.degree-program.csPolitologiecs_CZ
uk.degree-program.enPolitical Scienceen_US
thesis.grade.csVýborněcs_CZ
thesis.grade.enExcellenten_US
uk.abstract.enFollowing the loss of Egypt as its primary ally in 1979, Syria went through a drastic build-up of its armed forces. By 1983, the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) had swelled to nearly 500,000 active duty personnel from 50,000 at the onset of the 1967 Israeli conflict, constituting one of the largest military forces in the region (Kurt:2016, pp.116). However, what may have appeared to external observers as a powerful regional military force, it was in fact an institution plagued with rampant paternalism, criminal business networks and various competing praetorian factions. While some would view this as simply another 'unavoidable' characteristic of a third world state, many of these factors were in fact created by the regime in power to insulate itself from potential military intrusion into the existing political status quo. With its weak civil society, low regime legitimacy, and rich history of past military putsches, Syria has always been prone to an elevated, theoretical risk of a coup d'état (Belkin & Schofer:2003, pp.595; Gasserbner & al.:2016, pp.302). It has since been proven that through various controls by the military command, no internal or domestic force would have the means nor the incentive to replace the regime, even during times of great political crisis (Luttwak:1969, pp.16). While this...en_US
uk.file-availabilityV
uk.grantorUniverzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Katedra bezpečnostních studiícs_CZ
thesis.grade.code1
uk.publication-placePrahacs_CZ
dc.identifier.lisID990021542680106986


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