http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/96230 Issue 2 Mon, 06 Apr 2026 14:32:51 GMT 2026-04-06T14:32:51Z http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97145 The Establishment of the Committee of Imperial Defence and the British-Dominion Relations, 1904–1911; ; ; This contribution is focused on the analysis of the establishment of the Committee of Imperial Defence and the British-Dominion relations from 1904 to 1911. The formation of the first dominions by linking the until-then Self-governing Colonies together raised the question of what the position of the new Dominions to their mother country and the other parts of the Empire was. Before the outbreak of the First World War, matters related to the Dominion status were discussed at several Colonial, from 1907 Imperial Conferences; however, neither British nor Dominion politicians managed to reach an agreement or a complex solution. In fact, only partial solutions were adopted. At the turn of the 19th and 20th century, the British Government began to pursue defence matters intensively. A lot of foreign-policy issues, and in particular fear of German naval armaments, had a profound influence on the debate; indeed, this was the case to the extent that the significance of the second influential imperial institution, i.e. the Imperial Defence Committee, rose. Even though the system of imperial conferences, that served as a forum where crucial questions dealing with imperial, foreign, defence and economic policies were decided, was institutionalised and firmly “anchored” in the imperial structure, it had to compete with the powerful Imperial Defence Committee. Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97145 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97082 On the Way to Liberalization: Policy of the Ceaușescu’s Regime towards the Hungarian Minority in Romania 1965–1968; ; ; During the years 1965–1968 Nicolae Ceaușescu came to the partial liberalization of the communist regime in Romania, in order to find a clear position both in domestic and in foreign policy. This fact regarded also the minority policy, which had never been very tolerant since the very beginning of the communist rule. But at least partial steps were undertaken by the RCP leadership in order to win the support of the Hungarian population in Transylvania. The administrative reform in 1968 brought the creation of two new counties with the majority Hungarian population. The meeting of the Romanian leadership with the Hungarian elites, as well as the more frequent visits of Ceaușescu and other party representatives in Transylvania foreshadowed his increasing interest in dealing more intensively with the minority issue. The establishment of the Councils of Workers of Hungarian nationality brought the discussion at least temporary onto the top level of the RCP hierarchy. Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97082 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/96997 Metternich and the Italian League Myth in 1833; ; ; Based upon the thorough research of primary archival as well as published sources and scholar literature, the article deals with the rumour of Metternich’s alleged project for an Italian league in 1833, revealing the falsity of this imputation and proving that even if such a project actually existed at that time, not the Austrian chancellor but the king of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, Ferdinand II, was its author. Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/96997 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/96836 Search for Partnership: German-Soviet Political Relations on the Eve of the Second World War; ; ; The aim of the essay is to analyse the most important circumstances which could affected the final Stalin’s decision leading to the ratification of Soviet-German political relations at the end of the thirties. Among others to verify the affirmation that it was a calculated deal with exact objectives in the case of Ribbentrop-Molotov‘s Pact. The German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact of August 23rd, 1939 was a calculated accord with precise objectives when in both systems common national interests, which consisted also in the partition of Poland, overshadowed their ideological differences. This paper outlines the circumstances of the negotiations, the main actors, and motives leading to the creation of the agreement. A part of the research is the analysis of importance and direct consequences of the German-Soviet Pact. The political alliance provided Germany both a feeling of relative security in the war against Poland and neutrality of the second party, including the guarantee of a series of commodities necessary for the war economy. The defensive alliance of Western powers became inefficient. The August and September pacts enabled the Soviet Union to restrict the scope and authority of the Nazi regime in the East European territory by which minimalized the war threat temporarily. They at the same time ensured that Stalin had an approach to strategical economical areas at the Western border, not unnecessary even for his defensive. Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/96836 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z